耶路撒冷為何成為衝突的中心？
MONA BOSHNAQ, SEWELL CHAN, IRIT
PAZNER GARSHOWITZ, GAIA TRIPOLI2017年12月8日
圍繞耶路撒冷的衝突可追溯到數千年前，但當前這場衝突完全是20世紀的事，根源則在於殖民主義、民族主義和反猶太主義。
1917年12月，也就是100年前的這個月，英國將領埃德蒙·艾倫比(Edmund Allenby)擊敗奧斯曼土耳其守軍，奪取了對耶路撒冷的控制權。出於對其神聖地位的尊重，他下了馬，步行經由雅法門進入老城。
此後的一個世紀裡，耶路撒冷成為各方爭奪的獵物，不僅有猶太人、基督徒和穆斯林，還有外部力量，當然還有當今的以色列人和巴勒斯坦人。
唐納德·川普總統不顧阿拉伯國家、土耳其甚至是法國等親密盟國領導人的擔憂，選擇本週宣布美國將承認耶路撒冷是以色列首都，興許是一個合適的時機。
圍繞耶路撒冷的衝突可追溯到數千年前，包括聖經時代、羅馬帝國和十字軍東征，但當前這場衝突完全是20世紀的事，根源則在於殖民主義、民族主義和反猶太主義。《紐約時報》請來了幾位專家，為讀者解讀過去一個世紀的重要時刻。
1917–48年：英國託管
「耶路撒冷對英國人非常重要，正是他們把耶路撒冷確立為首都的，」希伯來大學(Hebrew
University)歷史地理學者耶霍舒亞·本-阿里耶(Yehoshua Ben-Arieh)說。「在第一和第二聖殿時代過後，那裡原本已經不是任何人的首都了。」
艾倫比進入耶路撒冷後，英國統治耶路撒冷30年。在建立猶太人家園的猶太復國主義願景吸引下，大量猶太定居者在此期間湧入耶路撒冷。與此同時，當地的阿拉伯民眾也接受了奧斯曼帝國滅亡的現實。從1517年開始，耶路撒冷一直處於奧斯曼帝國的統治下。
「弔詭的是，猶太復國主義退出了耶路撒冷，尤其是老城，」耶路撒冷政策研究所(Jerusalem
Institute for Policy Research)高級研究員阿姆農·拉蒙(Amnon Ramon)說。「一是因為耶路撒冷被視為海外猶太人的象徵，二是因為基督教和伊斯蘭教的聖地被認為問題叢生，無法孕育出一個以耶路撒冷為首都的猶太國家。」
很多早期猶太復國主義者是世俗的歐洲社會主義者，鼓舞他們的是對民族主義、民族自決和擺脫迫害的關心，而不是宗教願景。
「耶路撒冷可以說是一潭死水，退化成了他們一直試圖趕走的一種保守文化，」英格蘭埃克塞特大學中東政治中心(Middle
East politics at the University of Exeter)的教授邁克爾·鄧普爾(Michael Dumper)說。「特拉維夫是在山上建起來的一座全新的城市，是現代化的結晶。」
他說，對阿拉伯人來說，「不再歸屬於奧斯曼帝國仍然是件不可思議的事。他們的社會在建立起一種新秩序。當地的巴勒斯坦貴族，耶路撒冷的大家族，成為了巴勒斯坦民族運動的領袖，突然與猶太移民形成了對峙。」
對這種移民的反對引發了巴勒斯坦民眾的幾場死傷慘重的暴亂，猶太人對英國的統治和1939年實施的移民限制措施——禁止很多逃離大屠殺的猶太人入境——極為不滿。戰後的1947年，聯合國批准了一項兩個國家——一個猶太，一個阿拉伯——分治的方案，耶路撒冷因地位特殊而由一個「國際特別政權」管理。
1948–67年：被分裂的城市
阿拉伯人拒絕分治方案，並且在以色列1948年宣布獨立一天後，阿拉伯國家就對這個新成立的國家發起了攻擊。他們被打敗了。在雙方的武裝分子和暴徒製造的暴力中，大量猶太人和阿拉伯人背井離鄉。
耶路撒冷被一分為二：西邊一半屬於剛建國的以色列（按1950年通過的以色列憲法的規定，也是其首都），靠東的一半，包括老城，則被約旦佔領。「對巴勒斯坦人來說，它就是一個集會地點，」鄧普爾說。
他說，以色列和約旦基本上都把精力放在了其他地方。以色列把富饒的沿海地區，包括海法、特拉維夫和阿什凱隆變成了一個欣欣向榮的商業區，而約旦國王阿卜杜拉一世(Abdullah
I)則把重點放在了發展約旦自己的首都安曼上。
據伊利諾州立大學(Illinois State University)歷史學者伊薩姆·納薩爾(Issam
Nassar)介紹，建國初期，考慮到來自聯合國和歐洲大國的壓力，以色列不願把太多精力放在耶路撒冷上。
1967–93年：兩場戰爭與一次起義
1967年的第三次中東戰爭(Arab-Israeli
War of 1967)極大地左右了對耶路撒冷的現代爭奪，在那場戰爭中，以色列不僅擊敗了入侵的阿拉伯軍隊，而且佔領了埃及的加沙地帶和西奈半島，約旦的約旦河西岸和東耶路撒冷，以及敘利亞的戈蘭高地。
「1967年有兩個轉折點：一是偉大的勝利，戰前對失敗的恐懼很快轉變為歡欣鼓舞，以及認為一切皆有可能的感覺；另一個是佔領老城對人們情緒上的影響，」以色列巴爾伊蘭大學(Bar-Ilan
University)的政治學家梅納赫姆·克萊因(Menachem Klein)說。
從那以後，以色列士兵在哭牆祈禱的畫面便深深印在以色列的國家意識中——在約旦統治期間，以色列人被拒絕前往那裡。
「耶路撒冷成了狂熱的宗教崇拜中心，之前從未真正出現過這種情況，」哥倫比亞大學(Columbia
University)的現代阿拉伯研究教授拉希德·哈利迪(Rashid Khalidi)說。「對它的痴迷現在到了一種非同尋常的程度，因為強硬的宗教民族主義已經在以色列政治中佔據支配地位，哭牆是它的焦點。」
1977年，右傾政黨利庫德集團在梅納赫姆·貝京(Menachem
Begin)的領導下取得勝利，以色列對耶路撒冷的重視得到了進一步強化，它被視為該國身份認同不可或缺的一部分。虔誠的定居者在以色列的政治生活中變得更加突出，其漫長的崛起過程從未真正中斷。來自俄羅斯和東歐的老式社會主義者讓位給來自中東和北非等地，更為多樣化、也更加虔誠的以色列人。
作為這種轉變的一部分，耶路撒冷作為象徵的重要性被強化了。通過閱兵儀式和學校課程，它在猶太人歷史上的作用得到強調，以色列各地的學生都會在學校組織下到那裡去參觀。這個進程在1980年達到高潮，當時的議會通過了一項法案，宣布「完整而統一的耶路撒冷是以色列的首都」——儘管以色列中止了吞併東耶路撒冷的行動，否則很可能引起國際社會的憤怒。
1993年至今：奧斯陸及其他
1993年的《奧斯陸協議》提議建立一個巴勒斯坦權力機構，管理約旦河西岸和加沙地帶，但沒有就邊界、難民和耶路撒冷的地位等核心問題達成協議。在之後的近四分之一個世紀裡，達成持久和平協議的前景似乎變得更加渺茫。
2000年，右翼政治家阿里埃勒·沙龍(Ariel
Sharon)訪問了一處聖地，猶太人稱之為聖殿山(Temple Mount)，穆斯林稱之為神聖禁地(Noble Sanctuary)，那裡坐落著阿克薩清真寺(al-Aqsa Mosque)和岩石圓頂清真寺(Dome of the Rock)。沙龍的行為引發了暴力衝突，導致第二次巴勒斯坦人大起義，在之後的五年裡造成約3000名巴勒斯坦人和1000名以色列人喪生。
巴勒斯坦人認為，猶太定居者侵佔了東耶路撒冷，以色列以取消巴勒斯坦人的居住許可作為回應，導致問題更加複雜。即便如此，在耶路撒冷的人口構成中，阿拉伯人仍佔30%至40%左右。
「整個國際社會一致認為，1967年以來，以色列吞併東耶路撒冷並在那裡定居是非法的，並且拒絕承認耶路撒冷是以色列的首都，」哈利迪說，「如果川普改變這個立場，那麼考慮到耶路撒冷對阿拉伯人和穆斯林的重要性，長期的巴以協議或阿以關係的長期正常化將會很難達成。」
本-阿里耶表示，爭奪這座城市的衝突很可能會持續下去。「阿拉伯人和猶太人的衝突升級為國家衝突，耶路撒冷是核心問題，」他說，「耶路撒冷是三個宗教的聖地，但是現在，在以色列這片土地上出現了兩個國家——一個是猶太人的，一個是當地阿拉伯人的，他們都想要耶路撒冷。不是耶路撒冷需要他們，而是他們需要耶路撒冷。」
翻譯：陳亦婷、王相宜
The Conflict in Jerusalem Is Distinctly Modern. Here’s the
History.
By MONA BOSHNAQ, SEWELL CHAN,
IRIT PAZNER GARSHOWITZ and GAIA TRIPOLI
DEC. 5, 2017
In December 1917 — 100 years ago this month — the British
general Edmund Allenby seized
control of Jerusalem from its Ottoman Turkish defenders. Dismounting
his horse, he entered the Old City on foot, through Jaffa Gate, out of respect
for its holy status.
In the century since, Jerusalem has been fought over in
varying ways, not only by Jews, Christians and Muslims but also by external
powers and, of course, modern-day Israelis and Palestinians.
It is perhaps fitting that President Trump appears to have
chosen this week to announce that
the United States will recognize Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, despite
concerns from leaders of Arab
countries, Turkey and
even close allies like
France.
Conflicts over Jerusalem go back thousands of years —
including biblical times, the Roman Empire and the Crusades — but the current
one is a distinctly 20th-century story, with roots in colonialism, nationalism
and anti-Semitism. The New York Times asked several experts to walk readers
through pivotal moments of the past century.
1917-48: British Mandate
“It was for the British that Jerusalem was so important —
they are the ones who established Jerusalem as a capital,” said Prof. Yehoshua
Ben-Arieh, a historical geographer at Hebrew University. “Before, it was
not anyone’s capital since the times of the First and Second Temples.”
The three decades of British rule that followed Allenby’s
march on Jerusalem saw an influx of Jewish settlers drawn by the Zionist vision
of a Jewish homeland, while the local Arab population adjusted to the reality
of the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, which had ruled the city since 1517.
“Paradoxically, Zionism recoiled from Jerusalem,
particularly the Old City,” said Amnon Ramon, senior researcher at the Jerusalem
Institute for Policy Research. “First because Jerusalem was regarded as a
symbol of the diaspora, and second because the holy sites to Christianity and
Islam were seen as complications that would not enable the creation of a Jewish
state with Jerusalem as its capital.”
Many early Zionists were secular European socialists,
motivated more by concerns about nationalism, self-determination and escape
from persecution than by religious visions.
“Jerusalem was something of a backwater, a regression to a
conservative culture that they were trying to move away from,” according
to Michael
Dumper, professor in
Middle East politics at the University of Exeter in England. “Tel Aviv
was the bright new city on a hill, the encapsulation of modernity.”
For Arabs, he said: “There was still something of the shock
at not being in the Ottoman Empire. There was a reordering of their society.
The local Palestinian aristocracy, the big families of Jerusalem, emerged as
leaders of the Palestinian national movement, which was suddenly being
confronted by Jewish migration.”
Opposition to that migration fueled several deadly riots by
Palestinians, while Jews chafed at British rule and at immigration restrictions
imposed in 1939 — restrictions that blocked many Jews fleeing the Holocaust
from entering. After the war, in 1947, the United Nations approved a partition
plan that provided for two states — one Jewish, one Arab — with Jerusalem
governed by a “special international regime” owing to its unique status.
1948-67: A Divided City
The Arabs rejected the partition plan, and a day after
Israel proclaimed its independence in 1948, the Arab countries attacked the new
state. They were defeated. Amid violence by militias and mobs on both sides,
huge numbers of Jews and Arabs were displaced.
Jerusalem was divided: The western half became part of the
new state of Israel (and its capital, under an Israeli law passed in 1950),
while the eastern half, including the Old City, was occupied by Jordan. “For
the Palestinians, it was seen as a rallying point,” Professor Dumper said.
Israel and Jordan, he said, were largely focused elsewhere.
Israel built up its prosperous coastal areas — including Haifa, Tel Aviv and
Ashkelon — into a thriving commercial zone, while the Jordanian king, Abdullah
I, focused on the development of Amman, Jordan’s capital.
The early Israeli state was hesitant to focus too much on
Jerusalem, given pressure from the United Nations and from the European powers,
according to Issam
Nassar, a
historian at Illinois State University.
Having accepted the idea of international control of
Jerusalem, the early Israeli leadership sought alternatives for a capital,
perhaps Herzliya or somewhere in the south. They also realized that not having
control of Jerusalem’s holy sites might have some advantages, according to Dr.
Ramon.
While Israel moved many government functions to Jerusalem
during the country’s first two decades, foreign governments largely avoided
Jerusalem and opened embassies in Tel Aviv, in recognition of the United Nations
resolution.
1967-93: Two Wars and an Intifada
No event has shaped the modern contest over Jerusalem as
much as the Arab-Israeli War of 1967, in which Israel not only defeated
invading Arab armies but also seized control of the Gaza Strip and the Sinai
Peninsula from Egypt; the West Bank and East Jerusalem from Jordan; and the
Golan Heights from Syria.
“The turning points in 1967 were two: the great victory,
including the fast shift from fears of defeat before the war to euphoria and
the feeling that everything was possible, and the emotional impact of occupying
the Old City,” said Menachem
Klein, a political scientist at Bar-Ilan University in Israel.
Images of Israeli soldiers praying at the Western Wall, to
which they had been denied access during Jordanian rule, became seared into
Israel’s national consciousness.
“Jerusalem became the center of a cultlike devotion that had
not really existed previously,” said Rashid
Khalidi, a
professor of modern Arab studies at Columbia University. “This has now
been fetishized to an extraordinary degree as hard-line religious nationalism
has come to predominate in Israeli politics, with the Western Wall as its
focus.”
The victory of the right-leaning party Likud in 1977, under
the leadership of Menachem Begin, helped solidify this new emphasis on Jerusalem
as integral to Israel’s identity. Religious settlers became more prominent in
political life in Israel, beginning a long ascendance that has never really
halted. Old-line socialists with roots in Russia and Eastern Europe gave way to
a more diverse — and also more religious — population of Israelis with origins
in the Middle East, North Africa and other regions.
As part of this shift, Jerusalem’s symbolic importance
intensified. Its role in Jewish history was emphasized in military parades and
curriculums, and students from across Israel were taken there on school visits.
This process culminated in 1980, when lawmakers passed a bill declaring that
“Jerusalem, complete and united, is the capital of Israel” — although Israel
stopped short of annexing East Jerusalem, a move that would most likely have
drawn international outrage.
1993-present: Oslo and Beyond
The 1993
Oslo accords provided for the creation of a Palestinian Authority to
govern the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, while deferring a resolution on core
issues: borders, refugees and Jerusalem’s status. In the nearly quarter-century
since, the prospects for a lasting peace deal have seemed ever more elusive.
A visit by the right-wing politician Ariel Sharon in 2000 to
the sacred complex known to Jews as the Temple Mount and to Muslims as the
Noble Sanctuary — which contains Al Aqsa Mosque and the Dome of the Rock — set
off violent clashes and led to a second Palestinian uprising that claimed the
lives of about 3,000 Palestinians and 1,000 Israelis over five years.
Palestinians say that Jewish settlers have encroached on
East Jerusalem, and that Israel has compounded the problem by revoking
residency permits. Even so, the ethnic composition of Jerusalem’s
population has remained about 30 percent to 40 percent Arab.
“The entire international community has been in accord that
Israeli annexation and settlement of East Jerusalem since 1967 is illegal, and
refuses to recognize Jerusalem as Israel’s capital,” Professor Khalidi said.
“If Trump changes this position, given the importance of Jerusalem to Arabs and
Muslims, it is hard to see how a sustainable Palestinian-Israeli agreement or
lasting Arab-Israeli normalization is possible.”
Professor Ben-Arieh says the conflict over the city is
likely to endure. “The Arab-Jewish conflict escalated into a nationalistic
conflict, with Jerusalem at its center,” he said. “Jerusalem was a city holy to
three religions, but the moment that, in the land of Israel, two nations grew —
the Jewish people and the local Arab people — both embraced Jerusalem. More
than Jerusalem needed them, they needed Jerusalem.”
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